Rosa Luxemburg — To the Entrenchments
In this article, Rosa Luxemburg reports about the mobilizing counterrevolution, calling for the Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils to take charge and overthrow the traitorous Ebert government.
Published as “Auf die Schanzen” in Die Rote Fahne, no. 30, December 19, 1918. View the original German here. [5]
Rosa Luxemburg — To the Entrenchments
Tomorrow, the Central Congress of the Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils of Germany will gather in Berlin. This means that the body will assemble, which the revolutionary proletariat, both workers and soldiers, regard as the most beautiful blossom on the unfolding tree of the German Revolution, at least on the organizational level. One might have imagined this event differently.
One might have hoped that we already had a Central Congress by now or that the star of the revolution was still shining bright at the hour of its foundation — in the same way it was shining on November 9 when it replaced the darkness of war and bondage. But no Central Congress was established then. Instead, the Executive Council of the Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils of Great Berlin put the Central Congress’s duties in its own hands; unfortunately, they were too weak.
Now, the Central Congress convenes at a time when the revolution has already lost much of the brightness that blinded the revolution’s opponents for some days, and, sadly, also its supporters, many of whom thought that the revolution was already completed with the miracles of November 9. Today, they can see properly again. Everyone who believed that the old powers, the classes that had ruled for thousands of years, could be replaced by jubilant masses, waving soldiers, and flying red flags under the linden trees [1] see the counterrevolution and capitalism rising again. Capitalism only feigned death during the first days of the revolution, like a bug. Now, it is ready to suck blood once more.
That the counterrevolutionary forces are mobilizing is obvious. This started as soon as they had managed to send their agents Ebert, Scheidemann, and co. into government. This paralyzed all revolutionary energy and led the revolution to counterrevolutionary paths.
What has this “socialist” government done? Every day, it has issued a decree: a decree to reinstate the old state apparatus; a decree to reinstate the provincial parliamentarians, chiefs of police, and mayors; a decree declaring private property untouchable; a decree declaring the courts, the organs of class justice, “independent,” effectively issuing a charter for the continuation of class justice; a decree ordering everyone to pay the same taxes as before. Nulla dies sine linea, [2] no day without a decree that helped rebuild the rotten structure of capitalist rule that was on its way to crumble.
Who cannot understand the bourgeoisie if, under such promising circumstances, it feels strong enough to attempt ousting its placeholders, the government Ebert-Scheidemann-Haase, and to take the reins into its own hands again? The bourgeoisie does not rush anything. It operates calmly and takes every step at a time. It had its agents in government prepare the bourgeois return to power via the national assembly. Ebert, Scheidemann, and co. got to work with the fervor characteristic of turncoats: they propagated the national assembly day and night, on all streets and squares; they did their utmost to support the bourgeoisie; they organized coups and let proletarians be shot; they paid homage to military leaders and saluted the black-white-and-red flag.
Still, none of this was enough to earn the gratitude of their master, capitalism. Now that the master has grown impatient and thinks that its time has come again, it wants to get rid of its servant and does not give a damn about the new national assembly — it wants the old Reichstag!
These are the circumstances under which the Central Congress of the Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils of Germany will gather. Capitalism has regained its strength and is ready to act. And the revolution? Let us be honest. If today’s state of the earliest revolutionary organs, the workers’ and soldiers’ councils, indicate the state of the revolution, then the picture is dreadful. The workers’ and soldiers’ councils are subject to incredible smear campaigns.
Mistakes are inevitable in chaotic times and they were a daily occurrence under the old regime. In fact, mistakes were routine in the old regime, while today they are merely the result of lacking routine. Nonetheless, the tiniest mistake is turned into a capital crime and used as the ultimate proof for the inaptness of the council system.
Another means to kill the councils is to evoke the shadow of the Entente. Ebert was the first: he offered the councils’ head to the Americans in exchange for food — no, in fact, he demanded from the Americans to send food only in exchange for the councils’ head! [3] The government Ebert-Scheidemann-Haase exploited the fear of hunger in Germany. They told the people over and over again: “Either the councils or bread!”
Then came the news that the Entente was threatening to march into Germany. Every day, we heard something of the kind: “The Entente is at the border! The Entente issues threats! The Entente is about to send a decree! Clemenceau has declared this and that! Lloyd George has declared this and the other!” Every day the same, every day a new lie. It was all lies. Nothing about it was true. Each single word that was printed was an invention of the ministry of foreign affairs and of the chancellor’s office. In fact, the impudence during those days outdid even the impudence of the old regime. The old regime was less unabashed, persistent, shameless, and dishonorable in its lies than the current government.
The councils were not able to resist any of this. They left the entire apparatus forming public opinion in the hands of the cabinet, and therefore the counterrevolution. They watched silently while the cabinet, this counterrevolutionary club, threw firebombs into their homes every day.
However, the weakness of the councils is not the weakness of the revolution. The revolution cannot be killed by any of these petty means. The revolution is growing and it is slowly developing into what it truly is: a proletarian revolution. The strike wave across the country is spreading like a wildfire. Yesterday, the workers arose in Upper Silesia, today they will arise in Berlin, tomorrow in Rhineland-Westphalia, Stuttgart, and Hamburg. [4] They are breaking the chains that the government, the parties, and the unions have held them in. They are facing their enemy, capitalism, eye to eye. The “democratic” tinsel that made the first days of the revolution so beautiful for many sham socialists is gone and the revolution emerges as a naked, muscular giant that shall smash the old world and build the new.
These are the forces, which the assembled councils can count on, which they have to serve and guide at the same time. Here is the source from which their strength and energy must come. The revolution will live without the councils; but the councils will die without the revolution.
Many things that should have happened did not happen. The councils acted too cautiously and lacked direction. They were too influenced by outdated formulas of party politics, and their vision was impaired by empty slogans and catchphrases. They never understood their role and significance in the unfolding events; in fact, they never understood the unfolding events either. They were too caught up in pretense.
If the Central Congress that now gathers wants to correct the mistakes of the workers’ and soldiers’ councils and take its proper place, four things are mandatory:
1. It must remove the nest of the counterrevolution, the core where all threads of the counterrevolutionary conspiracy come together, namely the EbertScheidemann-Haase cabinet.
2. It must demand the disarmament of all returning troops who do not unconditionally recognize the authority of the workers’ and soldiers’ councils and rather act as the personal lifeguards of the Ebert-Scheidemann-Haase cabinet.
3. It must demand the disarmament of all military officers and of the White Guards formed by the Ebert-Scheidemann-Haase cabinet; instead, Red Guards have to be formed.
4. It must reject the national assembly as an attack on the revolution and on the workers’ and soldiers’ councils.
If the workers’ and soldiers’ councils implement these four measures immediately, without any further delay, they can still take control of the revolution. The proletariat is willing to be guided by them if they want to be strong leaders against capitalism. In that case, the workers will give them everything and they will honor them with the rallying cry, All Power to the Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils!
Footnotes
[1] Unter den Linden is a famous boulevard in the center of Berlin.
[2] Literally, “not a day without a line,” the saying refers to the principle of everyday activity, usually in the context of writers and artists.
[3] Soon after the revolution, Ebert had begun to negotiate the delivery of food supplies with U.S. authorities.
[4] Contrary to Luxemburg’s prediction, the December 1918 strikes by Upper Silesia’s railway workers did not cause a strong strike wave across the country.
[5] The translation comes from “From All Power to the Councils! A Documentary History of the German Revolution of 1918–1919” by Gabriel Kuhn — Ed.
